UPAYA GURU AGAMA DALAM MENANGGULANGI KENAKALAN REMAJA/SISWA (Studi Kasus di SMP Wahid Hasim Sumber Wudi Karanggeneng Lamongan)

Remaja adalah masyarakat yang akan datang. Dapat di perkirakan bahwa gambaran kaum remaja sekarang adalah pencerminan masyarakat yang akan datang, baik buruknya bentuk dan susunan masyarakat, bangunan moral dan intelektual, dalam penghayatan ilmu agama, kesadaran kebangsaan, dan derajat kemajuan prilaku dan kepribadian antara sesama masyarakat yang akan datang tergantung kepada remaja sekarang, dan harapan dimasa yang akan datang terletak pada putra putrinya, sehingga hampir setiap orang berkeinginan agar putra putrinya kelak menjadi orang yang berguna.

Namun kenyataan telah menunjukkan bahwa perubahan zaman yang ditamdai dengan kemajuan ilmu pengetahuan dan tehnologi selalu mengakibatkan perubahan sosial. Dalam menghadapi situasi yang demikian remaja sering kali memiliki jiwa yang sensitif, yang pada akhirnya tidak sedikit para remaja yang terjerumus ke hal-hal yang bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai moral, norma agama, norma sosial dan norma hidup di masyarakat yang akhirnya remaja cenderung melakukan tindakan yang tidak pantas.

Bertitik tolak dari permasalahan tersebut diatas, mendorong penulis untuk mengadakan penelitian tentang kenakalan remaja yang masih bersetatus siswa di SMP Wahid Hasim Sumber Wudi Karanggeneng Lamongan, mengingat betapa pentingnya peran remaja sebagai generasi muda bagi masa depan bangsa, untuk mengetahui bentu/jenis-jenis kenakalan, hal-hal yang menjadi penyebab kenakalan itu terjadi dan upaya guru agama dalam menanggulanginya.
Dalam pembahasan skripsi ini, jenis penelitian yang penulis gunakan adalah penelitian kualitatif yang menggunakan pendekatan studi kasus, sedangkan dalam pengumpulan data diperlukan metode observasi, interview dan dokumentasi. Dan dalam menganalisa data yang terkumpul penulis menggunakan analisis deskriptif kualitatif.

Hasil penelitian secara ringkas menunjukkan bahwa bentuk/jenis-jenis kenakalan siswa SMP Wahid Hasim Sumber Wudi Karanggeneng Lamongan tergolong kenakalan ringan yang tidak sampai melanggar hukum. Dan hal-hal yang menjadi penyebab kenakalan siswa adalah karna pengaruh lingkungan keluarga, lingkungan sekolah, lingkungan masyarakat. Sedangkan upaya yang dilakukan oleh guru agama menggunakan upaya Preventif, represif, kuratif dan rehabilitasi.

Sedangkan untuk saran, penulis menyarankan kepada guru agama untuk meningkatkan kerja sama dengan sesama guru maupun pihak terkait dalam mengelolah pendidikan, pihak sekolah lebih meningkatkan pengawasan terhadap siswanya, adanya kerja sama antara guru, orang tua dan masyarakat. Untuk para siswa agar benar-benar menyiapkan mentalnya dalam mengahdapi arus globalisasi dengan cara lebih mendekatkan diri kepada Tuhan Yang Maha Esa.

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Hubungan Antara Kompensasi Non Finansial Dengan Semangat Kerja Karyawan Pada PDAM Kota Pasuruan

Sumber daya manusia merupakan hal yang sangat penting dalam suatu perusahaan. Oleh karena itu diperlukan sumber daya manusia yang handal dan memiliki tanggung jawab serta kinerja yang bagus agar kegiatan suatu perusahaan dapat berjalan dengan baik. Berhasil tidaknya suatu perusahaan banyak bergantung pada unsur manusia yang melakukan pekerjaan sehingga perlu adanya balas jasa terhadap karyawan sesuai dengan sifat dan keadaannya. Seorang karyawan perlu diperlakukan dengan baik agar karyawan tetap bersemangat dalam bekerja

Menurut Nitisemito Semangat kerja adalah melakukan pekerjaan secara lebih giat, sehingga dengan demikian pekerjaan dapat cepat dan lebih baik. Semangat kerja sangat penting bagi organisasi karena semangat kerja yang tinggi tentu dapat mengurangi angka absensi atau tidak bekerja karena malas, dengan semangat kerja yang tinggi dari buruh dan karyawan maka pekerjaan yang diberikan atau ditugaskan kepadanya akan akan dapat diselesaikan dengan waktu yang lebih singkat atau lebih cepat,.
.
Pada dasarnya salah satu cara untuk meningkatkan motivasi kerja yang pada akhirnya dapat mempengaruhi semangat kerja karyawan adalah dengan adanya kompensasi secara tepat baik finansial maupun non finansial. Namun dalam penelitian ini, peneliti lebih memfokuskan pada bentuk kompensasi non finansial.

Kompensasi non finasial dapat diberikan oleh perusahaan dengan pertimbangan untuk menjaga likuiditas perusahaan. Kompensasi non finasial akan sangat menguntungkan bagi perusahaan yang ingin memberikan kompensasi untuk menumbuhkan semangat kerja karyawan karena kompensasi non finansial merupakan bentuk kompensasi yang diberikan oleh perusahaan kepada karyawan tidak dalam bentuk uang. Bentuk kompensasi non finansial dalam penelitian ini antara lain kompensasi karier (terdiri dari pengembangan diri dan fleksibilitas karier) sedangkan kompensasi sosial terdiri dari (pujian dan pengakuan, kenyamanan tugas, persahabatan).

Berdasarkan permasalahan yang menyangkut kompensasi dan semangat kerja sudah banyak penelitian yang meneliti tentang hubungan antara dua aspek tersebut. Antara lain penelitian Choesnul Chotimah yang berjudul ”Hubungan Antara Kompensasi Non Finansial dengan Semangat Kerja Karyawan Pada PT. Megah Utama kriya Nugraha Malang” dengan sampel 55 karyawan diperoleh hasil korelasi (r) sebesar 0, 686 atau 68%. Hal ini juga dapat dilihat dari besarnya sumbangan efektif kompensasi non finansial terhadap semangat kerja yaitu sebesar 47% sedangkan sisanya 53% dipengaruhi untuk faktor lainnya seperti kompensasi finansial, gaya kepemimpinan, kepuasan kerja, motivasi dan lain sebagainya. Dikatakan sangat signifikansi dikarenakan nilai p (peluang kesalahan) memiliki nilai 0,000, hal ini berarti nilai

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Above the Clouds Status Culture of the Modern Japanese Nobility

One Studying the Aristocracy Why, What, and How?

On May 15, 1947, some two hundred titled noblemen gathered in the imperial palace to hear words of farewell from His Majesty, who in the previous year had already renounced his "divine" status and assumed a human role. Twelve days before, the new constitution had come into effect, designed to ensure universal equality under the law. The titles and prerogatives of the nobility were thus revoked, and the former elite became commoners like everybody else: the word commoner was now obsolete. This abolished aristocracy of modern Japan is the subject of the present book.[1] My aim is to reconstruct the experience of the former nobility both before and after this constitutional change, as recalled and depicted by its surviving members and descendants. More precisely, I have undertaken a double reconstruction: narration by the insider informants, and interpretive rearrangement by this outsider researcher.

Rationales and Goals
What is the sense, one might wonder, of studying this seemingly anachronistic segment of the population? Was I being merely a curio collector? Or, more seriously, was I following in the footsteps of those anthropologists who prepared the memory ethnographies of dying tribes? I cannot deny that the latter was an initial motive, for I did wish to be a salvage ethnographer of a rapidly vanishing culture. In this respect my interest coincided with that of my informants: the main impetus behind their collaboration was their desire to document for posterity what was now beginning to appear illusionary even to themselves. Without this common interest, the research would have been impossible or futile, and I do intend to meet the expectations of my informants by recapturing part of that world which has been lost for good.

There are more important rationales, however, and they will be discussed below at some length. It will be shown that the aristocracy, rather than being an antiquated phenomenon, carries a present-day significance. Although legally fossilized and socially diminished, the aristocratic status survives, or is reviving, as a cultural configuration. Further, the aristocracy mirrors the rest of society; in that sense the present study is about outsiders as much as insiders of this small group, about commoners as well as the elite. More generally, this study is intended to contribute to the existing literature on hierarchy and stratification. I therefore proceed from the more to less obvious layers of significance, from what motivated and prepared me when I began this research, and move on to what evolved only after I had become deeply involved in fieldwork and post-field thinking and writing.
Four levels or dimensions of significance are delineated. The first concerns the need to fill the gaps in research on social elites. The second connects the Japanese aristocracy to the emperor- and ancestor-cult complex. The third locates the hereditary elite in relation to the nonhereditary elite and pursues the contemporary relevance of studying the former. The fourth analyzes the "traditional" prewar aristocracy from a modern vantage point, as seen against the massive changes taking place in Japan and the rest of the world, in an attempt to answer why this seemingly archaic social group warrants an ethnographic study now . The last two levels, which are closely interlinked, are intended to address theoretical concerns.

Let us first consider the dearth of research on elites. In studying complex societies, anthropologists and sociologists have traditionally (except in the case of caste societies) paid more attention to the lower or middle than the upper strata of the society, more to peasant or folk culture than to elite culture. This is certainly true of Japanese studies. Substantial knowledge has been accumulated on rural peasants since John Embree's (1939) pioneering work on Suye Mura, and on the lower to middle classes in cities. Yet no research is available on upper-class Japanese, with one recent exception dealing with the business family (Hamabata 1990)—not the same substratum of the upper class as I describe, but connected With it. To be sure, historians have a magnitude of historical and biographical documentations of the hereditary elite, but no study has yet been done in ethnographic perspective.

As a possible reason for why Western ethnographers have avoided the elite, Marcus (1979, 136) mentions the researchers' moral and ideological sympathies with common people: "As a result, the cultural conditions of typical subjects of ethnography in complex societies are humanly por trayed while those of elites in the background appear more as caricatures, created from the ideological biases of the ethnographer combined with inferences drawn from non-ethnographic data on elites." Indeed, as if to confirm this viewpoint, one of my Japanese colleagues characterized a former aristocrat he had met as a "clown." Fuse (1972, 125-26), too, mentioned a similar ideological "hostility" toward the elite among sociologists. Whatever the reasons for the paucity of research on elites generally, that gap in our understanding of Japanese culture and society certainly needs to be filled. This book, then, is intended to reveal some ways in which elite culture is different from that of commoners, and at the same rime to dispel some of the stereotypes of the people "above the clouds."

With this emphasis on status, might similarities between Japanese and non-Japanese elites lead us beyond the national border? After all, even the United States, generally considered a foremost representative of egalitarian, mobile, achievement-oriented, and capitalistic societies, has "dynastic" families that have accumulated capital over generations and thus form a hereditary class (Hansen and Parrish 1983; Marcus 1983).

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Grateful Prey Rock Cree Human-Animal Relationships

The word "Cree" refers today to a continuum of culturally and linguistically related native people inhabiting the subarctic boreal forest from Quebec on the east to British Columbia on the west. The term originated as a contraction of "Kiristinon," a French borrowing of Kiristino , the Ojibwa name for a division of Cree-speaking people living south of James Bay in the mid-seventeenth century (Pentland 1981a :227, Bishop 1981b :158-159). The shortened form emerged by the late eighteenth century as a genetic label for other Cree-speaking groups successively encountered by the French and English traders as they moved north and west. The extension of the name reflected the traders' practical knowledge of linguistic similarities rather than any ethnic or political unity acknowledged by the people so denominated. Documentary sources mention numerous named groups associated with particular regions; these names presumably reflect to some degree ethnic and territorial distinctions recognized by the Crees themselves (Pentland1981a :227-230, 1981b :269-270).

Broad ethnic classifications developed by Euro-Canadians and now in common use by academics partially coincide with internal distinctions recognized by Crees. West of Quebec, anthropological usage distinguishes the Plains Crees occupying the southern prairie provinces and adjacent United States from the Western Woods Crees in the boreal forest to the north. The Plains Crees identify themselves as Paskwaw-iyiniwak 'prairie people' and speak varieties of the y -dialect of Cree. The Western Woods Cree (J. G. E. Smith 1981:256) category is comprised of the Swampy, Thickwoods, and Rock divisions, also groupings recognized by Crees themselves. The Swampy Crees are today n -dialect groups inhabiting both the Hudson Bay lowlands and some inland areas of Manitoba, Ontario, and Saskatchewan. They call themselves Maskekowak 'swamp people', a name attested in 1700 by Bacqueville de La Potherie's reference (1931:258) to the "Mashkegonhyrinis or Savannahs" living on the Nelson River and perhaps by even earlier forms
(Pentland 1981a :227). Thickwoods Crees arc bands who today speak northern varieties of the y -dialect and occupy the boreal forest in Saskatchewan, Alberta, and northwestern British Columbia. They call themselves Sakaw-iyiniwak 'thick woods people', a name attested in 1749 in the translation "Christinaux du Bois fort" (Margry 1879-1888, 6:616).

The Rock or Missinippi Crees, with whom this book is primarily concerned, speak the "Woods Cree" or ð-dialect and today occupy the Churchill River drainage in northern Manitoba and Saskatchewan. The people of the Cree communities of Granville Lake and Pukatawagan on the Churchill River in northwestern Manitoba identify themselves in their own language as Nihiðawak 'Crees'. To distinguish themselves from other Cree divisions, they use either Asiniskaw-iðiniwak 'people of the country of abundant rock' or Kiwitinaw-iðiniwak 'northern people'. When speaking English or French, they identify themselves as "Crees." I refer to them hereafter for brevity as "Rock Crees," a gloss that several individuals suggested for Asiniskaw-iðiniwak . The Swampy, Rock, Thickwoods, and Plains Cree divisions now recognized both by Crees and by anthropologists reflect a complex history of amalgamations and migrations. The project of putting contemporary bands into correspondence with groups noted in early documents is complicated by the fact that group names can refer to three levels of social inclusiveness: broad ethnic divisions, regional bands oriented to particular summer fisheries or trading facilities (later reserves), and hunting groups into which regional bands divided in winter. A Cree of Pukatawagan, Manitoba, might be defined in different contexts as Nihiðaw 'Cree' (as opposed to other Indians or to whites), as Asiniskaw-iðiniw 'Rock Cree' (as opposed to Swampy Cree or Plains Cree), as Pakitawakan-iðiniw 'Pukatawagan person' (as opposed to other regional hands or reserve groups), and as Mwakwa-sakahikan-iðiniw 'Loon Lake person' or member of a group that hunts and traps at Loon Lake (as opposed to other Pukatawagan trapline groups). It is not always dear to which of these levels of social classification the names given in documentary sources refer. Neither, given the fluidity

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Judeo-Spanish Ballads from New York

It hardly seems necessary to insist on the crucial importance of the Judeo-Spanish ballad tradition to the study of both Pan-Hispanic and Pan-European balladry. The present-day Spanish-speaking Sephardim of Morocco, the Balkans, and the Near East are the descendants of Jews exiled from Spain at the end of the Middle Ages (in 1492). Their archaic, highly conservative ballad repertoires preserve many features of the Spanish ballad tradition as it existed at the time of their exile from the Iberian Peninsula. Numerous narrative types dating back to medieval times have thus survived among the Sephardic Jews, while they have, in many cases, disappeared from all other branches of the Hispanic ballad tradition. A thorough exploration of the Judeo-Spanish ballad corpus is, then, essential to the task of filling the rather substantial gaps that still exist in our knowledge of late medieval and sixteenth-century Spanish balladry. The Sephardic tradition is also, of course, crucially important to comparative studies of the various other modern branches of Pan-Hispanic balladry: the Spanish, Hispano-American, Portuguese, and Catalan traditions. At the same time, Judeo-Spanish narrative poetry, of all the various Hispanic sub-traditions, is also one of the most significant for comparative Pan-European ballad studies. Because of its conservatism, Sephardic balladry preserves a number of thematic correspondences to other European ballad traditions which are no longer in evidence in most other geographic branches of the Hispanic Romancero. Judeo-Spanish balladry can, then, frequently provide clues to thematic relationships on a Pan-European, as well as on a Pan-Hispanic, scale.[1]

Besides its important conservatism, as an archaic lateral tradition, another previously neglected aspect of the Judeo-Spanish ballad should also be taken into account. This is its eclectic character, its absorption of narrative themes and stylistic features borrowed from the popular poetry of the peoples among whom the Sephardim lived after their exile from Spain: namely from Greek,

Turkish, and Arabic.[2] Although the survival of medieval text-types constitutes one of the important facets of the Sephardic tradition, it should not impede the recognition of other characteristics of Judeo-Spanish balladry. In a fundamental review of recent scholarship, Diego Catalán has pointed out important innovative features coexisting with archaic elements, particularly in Eastern Mediterranean Sephardic balladry.[3] With the publication of Paul Bénichou's pathfinding Creación poética en el romancero tradicional (Madrid: Gredos, 1968)—based in many cases on Judeo-Spanish evidence—the Sephardic romancero emerges also as essential to the study of creativity in Hispanic traditional poetry.[4]

Of all the widely separated areas of the twentieth-century Sephardic diaspora, none has been more explored and none has yielded a greater harvest of Judeo-Spanish folk-poetry than the United States. Israel,[5] Spain,[6] France,[7] England,[8] Holland,[9] Belgium,[10] Canada,[11] Cuba,[12] Mexico,[13] Venezuela,[14] Uruguay,[15] Argentina, Paraguay,[16] Rhodesia, and South Africa,[17] all have Sephardic immigrant communities of relatively recent origin, but none has been explored in such depth or by so many ballad fieldworkers as those of the

United States (and many have not been explored at all). Only the multisecular Sephardic homelands of the Eastern Mediterranean and North Africa have produced larger collections of ballads than those brought together in the United States.[18] Judeo-Spanish ballad research in America begins with the romances we have annotated in the present edition: 46 texts of Eastern Mediterranean and Moroccan origin, representing 43 different text-types, collected by Professor Maír José Benardete in New York City during the winter of 1922 and spring of 1923.[19] Benardete's pioneering work was to be followed by that of many other collectors. The next attempt to tap the rich and variegated Sephardic ballad resources available in New York[20] was put forward by Federico de Onís who, between 1930 and 1938, made phonograph recordings of North African and Eastern ballads at Columbia University. Starting around 1930, Onís recorded seven romances sung by Suzanne (Simy) Nahón de Toledano from Tangier.[21] The Moroccan recordings were followed by others devoted to ballads sung by Eastern (Rhodian and Salonikan) informants in 1933, 1934, 1935, and 1938. In addition to the texts collected from Mrs. Toledano, Onís recorded a total of 22 Eastern Sephardic romances. Contemporary with Onís's work were the recordings produced at Barnard College in 1930 (or 1931) by Franz Boas and Zarita Nahón, who collected 15 romances (as well as two children's songs, two wedding songs, a lullaby, and an endecha [dirge]) also sung by Mrs. Toledano.[22] The early 1930s also saw another important collecting campaign in the Sephardic community of Seattle (Washington): Between 1931 and 1936, Emma Adatto collected ballads, folk-tales (konsezas [*] ) and proverbs from Turkish and Rhodian informants in Seattle, to form a rich and highly significant body of Judeo-Spanish folk-literature, which, unfortunately, remains largely unedited to this day: 18 romances (representing 15 text-types) are included in her M. A. thesis; 28 more texts (= 19 text-types), some of which overlap, with minor variations, the thesis texts, figure in unedited MSS and typescripts; 31 more texts were recorded on phonograph discs at the University of Washington;

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Mirages of Transition The Peruvian Altiplano, 1780–1930

A quixotic struggle against the law of diminishing returns has led me to publish this book years after it should have come out. As a result, it may be more balanced, but it is also overly complex because of the years of mulling over old problems and old and new data. My long rethinking also meant that the manuscript was becoming longer and longer and required extensive cutting to avoid trying the patience and goodwill of the reader. Much empirical data has been eliminated. Some of this information can be found in my dissertation, and other material can be obtained directly from me. (I refer to some of the eliminated tables on which conclusions are based in the notes.)

The help I have received in working on this project since 1975 is enormous. The notaries Don Francisco Santa Cruz Zegarra and Don Manuel Aparicio Gómez (both of Azángaro) and the late Don Guillermo Garnica Ormachea (of Puno) generously allowed my wife and me to work in their offices with their invaluable holdings of notarial registers. Dr. Mauro Paredes, a lawyer in Azángaro, gave me unlimited access to his archive and library and shared his rich knowledge of local history in discussions and correspondence. Dr. Humberto Rodríguez Pastor, then director of the Archivo del Fuero Agrario in Lima, was very helpful and kind during my work at that unique repository of documentation. In Sucre, Dr. Gunnar Mendoza expertly steered me to valuable sources on the northern altiplano in the Archivo Nacional de Bolivia, which he has directed with great dedication and scholarly understanding. I am also grateful to the staff of the former Subdirección de Reforma Agraria of the Ministerio de Agricultura, the Municipal Library, and the Registro de la Propiedad Inmueble, all in Puno, the Archivo Departamental in Arequipa,

and the Archivo General de la Nación and the Biblioteca Nacional in Lima for granting me access to their collections. My wife and I deeply appreciated the hospitality shown to us in Peru, especially by Graciela Ormachea Frisancho and Ignacio Cruz Mamani and their families in Puno; Fathers Ronald Llerena, René Pinto, and their equipo pastoral in Azángaro; Mariel Romero de Farfán in Lima; and María Mayer, Martin Scurrah, and their family in Lima.

My understanding of the issues raised in this book owes much to discussions with friends and colleagues in Peru, Europe, and the United States, especially the following: Gordon Appleby, Heraclio Bonilla, Manuel Burga, John Coatsworth, the late Alberto Flores Galindo, Luis Miguel Glave, Jürgen Golte, Michael Gonzales, Erwin Grieshaber, Marcel Haitin, Thomas Krüggeler, Reinhard Liehr, Enrique Mayer, Rory Miller, Magnus Mörner, Scarlett O'Phelan Godoy, Benjamin Orlove, Franklin Pease G. Y., Vincent Peloso, Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Susan Ramirez, Augusto Ramos Zambrano, Karen Spalding, and Charles Walker. Some of them have generously provided me with documentation.

David Cahill, Frederic Jaher, Erick Langer, Rory Miller, and members of the Social History Group at the University of Illinois have read and commented on chapters of the manuscript. Tulio Halperín, Joseph Love, Fiona Wilson, and three anonymous readers for the University of California Press have read and commented on drafts of the entire manuscript. Their suggestions were important for making the book better, and I greatly appreciate their efforts. Of course, the remaining errors and misconceptions are entirely mine. Dan Gunter, Eileen McWilliam, and Mark Pentecost from the University of California Press have made the process of getting the manuscript into press as painless as it could be and made the book as good as the raw material I provided them allowed. I thank them for this crucial help. Hans-Jürgen Puhle and Joseph Love, my senior Latin Americanist colleagues at the University of Bielefeld and at the University of Illinois, provided guidance and council on scholarly and professional issues and assured me that this was a worthwhile project to complete. So has Tulio Halperín, my teacher at the University of California at Berkeley, who supervised the dissertation on which this book continues to be based. Their support has been invaluable and I am deeply grateful to them. It was a singular stroke of luck to have had the opportunity to study with Tulio Halperín and to be able to continue counting him as a friend. His rich, penetratingly analytical, dialectic, subtly ironic, yet humanistic approach to history remains my model of how historians should approach the past. Whatever may be of value in this book owes a great deal to him.

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Grateful Prey Rock Cree Human-Animal Relationships

The trees around the trapline shack were shrouded with animal remains. Skulls, antlers, and cloth packages of smaller bones hung from the trunk and branches, suspended with twine and leather thongs. The skinned carcasses of otters and martens were ranged along the limbs, frozen and twisted so that their naked heads faced the riverbank. Inside, the owner of the shack, a Cree Indian trapper, explained why he hung animal bones and corpses in trees.

I don't scatter my meat all over the place. Like when I skin an animal I don't just throw it outside. I go and hang it someplace. Well, like beaver meat, if you feed it to the dogs, that's here in the bush. But you don't feed a scrub dog outside in town. Those, y' know, dogs running around in town. You don't feed them. You're going to spoil your luck. The next time you go in the bush you don't kill a beaver. Because you're playing with it, playing with the meat if you scatter it all over the place. You got to keep it holy. I mean not to drop your meat, not get blood all over the home. This way you'll be lucky.
Pikisitowin ['purity'], ta-pikisit ['someone will be pure']. You don't i-mitawakit ['someone plays with it']. Like if you scatter it, if you don't pay attention what you do with it. Mess around, throw your skins all over the floor, people stepping on them. Animal respect himself, he doesn't want that. You got to try to keep it dean. Away from people. Especially woman. Woman with the rags on, that's terrible if he [woman] starts stepping on your fur. That's bad maskihkiy ['medicine'].
In a well-known passage, Max Weber defined action as "social insofar as, by virtue of the subjective meaning attached to it by the acting individual (or individuals), it takes account of the behavior of others and is thereby oriented in its course" (1978,1:4). This book forms in part an extended reflection on the limitations of representing foraging or hunting-gathering ethnographically as a mode of social action implicating exclusively human actors. The foragers themselves may experience their productive project quite differently, with determinate consequences for the practical conduct of their foraging. Writing of the Labrador-Quebec Algonquians, Speck (1935a :72) made this observation long ago and with disarming clarity:
To the Montagnais-Naskapi—hunters on the barest subsistence level—the animals of the forest, the tundra, and the waters of the interior and the coast, exist in a specific relation. They have become the objects of engrossing magico-religious activity, for to them hunting is a holy occupation.
Speck identified here a distinctively Algonquian conception of game animals as reactive social others, alternately collaborating in and obstructing the designs of men and women who kill them with guns and traps. In this conception, society embraces rather than excludes animals, and the events of killing and eating them are experienced and talked about as so many ongoing instances of social interaction.
There is nothing unusual in the claim that American Indian foragers ascribe to their animal quarry intellectual, emotional, and spiritual characteristics paralleling in some respects those constitutive of human selves and persons. More novel in this discussion is the conclusion that these definitions of animals traverse the usual ethnographic partitions between "production" and "religion" as, respectively, technical and symbolic practices.
Implicit in the theoretical division of ethnological labor is the ascription to Algonquians and other foragers of distinct and incommensurate conceptions of their quarry. Ecologically oriented analyses of boreal Algonquian foraging strategies represent the hunters' perspective on animals as exclusively instrumental. Conversely, Speck represented hunting as a "holy occupation" but was silent on how this sacredness accrued to the technical conduct of production. Cree conceptions of the social and sacred animal are maximally visible to outsiders when embedded in practices conventionally labeled "religious." Neither the structure of ritual enactments—reverent deposition of animal remains in trees, for example—nor the pragmatic intentions of the ritualists are

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Above the Clouds Status Culture of the Modern Japanese Nobility

In the long years taken up by this study, I have come into debt to countless people. Foremost, I am grateful to the former aristocrats and those around them who allowed me to share their experiences as an interviewer, guest, or semiparticipant observer of their rituals and other activities. Without their willing cooperation this project could not have been undertaken. Alas, these individuals must remain nameless, as they were promised. Many of my Japanese colleagues and friends, including my Gakushuin classmates, assisted me as introducers of informants or as informants themselves. Special thanks are due to Ms. Inukai Tomoko for her continuous generosity with time and knowledge. Gakushuin University was a host institution twice, providing me with an office and library privileges, as well as an opportunity to present a working paper at a seminar of its Oriental Culture Research Institute. I want to thank Hayashi Tomoharu and Tanaka Yasumasa for these arrangements. Among other helpers are Hashimoto Akira, Ishimoto Noriko, Matsumoto Masako, Ide Sachiko, Kuno Susumu, and the late Hara Tadahiko.

Back in the United States, my work on this book was supplemented by paper presentations at the annual meetings of the Association for Asian Studies and the American Anthropological Association. I was also an invited speaker on the subject at the University of Toronto, the University of Pittsburgh, the University of California, Berkeley, Stanford University, the College of William and Mary, and Pepperdine University. More than once, I spoke at seminars of the Center for Japanese Studies, University of Hawaii. Responses from my audience on each occasion inspired and guided my further writing.
It was my honor and good fortune to have two eminent scholars, in history and anthropology respectively, read an earlier draft of this book.
The erudite Marius Jansen alerted me to some errors in my historical presentations and interpretations and offered suggestions to improve the manuscript. William Kelly made invaluable comments that will help the book appeal not merely to Japan specialists but to other social science readers outside the Japan area. I am grateful not only for the critical suggestions but also for the warm encouragement that both gave me. I did my best to assimilate their suggestions; nevertheless, any inevitably remaining flaws are entirely my responsibility.
To be mentioned are a number of students who assisted me with library search, photocopying, filing, and coding, among them Usui Hiroko, Watanabe Eri, Suzuki Nobue, Yoshino Junko, and Frances Yuasa. James Roberson, a doctoral candidate, helped me as more than a student assistant, by exercising his professional judgment in collecting and abstracting relevant literature for me.
During the lengthy period of research I received several grants, which I gratefully acknowledge. Benefactors were the Joint Committee on Japanese Studies of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council, the Japan Foundation, Wenner-Gren Foundation, and the University of Hawaii (through the Japan Studies Endowment Fund and the Presidential Scholar Award).
Some chapters partly overlap previously published journal articles. Portions of chapter 4 appeared in "Adoption Among the Hereditary Elite of Japan: Status Preservation Through Mobility," Ethnology 28 (1989): 185-218. The first part of chapter 7 is from "The Socialization of Aristocratic Children by Commoners: Recalled Experiences of the Hereditary Elite in Modern Japan," Cultural Anthropology 5 (1990): 78-100. The last section of chapter 8 repeats the content of "Resurrecting Ancestral Charisma: Aristocratic Descendants in Contemporary Japan," Journal of Japanese Studies 17 (1991): 59-78. And part of chapter 5 appeared as "The Spatial Layout of Hierarchy: Residential Style of the Modern Japanese Nobility," in a collection of essays edited by myself, Japanese Social Organization (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1992). Thanks go to these publishers for permitting reproduction.
The late William P. Lebra inspired this study initially: he was excited by the subject matter, convinced me of its worthiness, and wrote me faithful responses to my "reports" from the field. As a token of my heartfelt appreciation, this book is dedicated to the memory of Bill.
For various phases of processing the manuscript into publishable form, I owe much to the University of California Press staff, particularly Jeanne Sugiyama, Sheila Levine, Monica McCormick, Betsey Scheiner, and Dore

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Algorithms and data structures the science of computing

The Science of Computing represents the culmination of a project that has been in development for a very long time. In the course of the project, a great many people and organizations have contributed in many ways. While it is impossible to list them all, we do wish to mention some whose contributions have been especially important. The research into the methodology was supported by both the National Science Foundation and the U. S. Department of Education, and we are grateful for their support. During the first several years of the project, Hans Koomen was a co-investigator who played a central role in the developmental work. We received valuable feedback in the form of reviews from many including John Hamer, Peter Henderson, Lew Hitchner, Kris Powers, Orit Hazzan, Mark LeBlanc, Allen Tucker, Tony Ralston, Daniel Hyde, Stuart Hirshfield, Tim Gegg-Harrison, Nicholas Howe, Catherine McGeoch, and Ken Slonneger. G. Michael Schneider and Jim Leisy were also particularly encouraging of our efforts. Homma Farian, Indu Talwar, and Nancy Jones all used drafts of the text in their courses, helping with that crucial first exposure. We held a series of workshops at SUNY Geneseo at which some of the ideas were fleshed out. Faculty from other institutions who attended and contributed their ideas include Elizabeth Adams, Hans-Peter Appelt, Lois Brady, Marcus Brown, John Cross, Nira Herrmann, Margaret I wobi, Margaret Reek, Ethel Schuster, James Slack, and Fengman Zhang. Almost 1500 students served as the front line soldiers—the ones who contributed as the guinea pigs of our efforts—but we especially wish to thank Suzanne Selib, Jim Durbin, Bruce Cowley, Ernie Johnson, Coralie Ashworth, Kevin Kosieracki, Greg Arnold, Steve Batovsky, Wendy Abbott, Lisa Ciferri, Nandini Mehta, Steve Bender, Mary Johansen, Peter Denecke, Jason Kapusta, Michael Stringer, Jesse Smith, Garrett Briggs, Elena Kornienko, and Genevieve Herres, all of whom worked directly with us on stages of the project. Finally, we could not have completed this project without the staff of Charles River Media, especially Stephen Mossberg, David Pallai, and Bryan Davidson.

Preface
Algorithms and Data Structures: The Science of Computing (which we usually refer to simply as The Science of Computing) is about understanding computation. We see it as a distinct departure from previous second-course computer science texts, which emphasize building computations. The Science of Computing develops understanding by coupling algorithm design to mathematical and experimental techniques for modeling and observing algorithms' behavior. Its attention to rigorous scientific experimentation particularly distinguishes it from other computing texts. The Science of Computing introduces students to computer science's three core methods of inquiry: design, mathematical theory, and the scientific method. It introduces these methods early in the curriculum, so that students can use them throughout their studies. The book uses a strongly hands-on approach to demonstrate the importance of, and interactions between, all three methods.

THE TARGET AUDIENCE
The target course for The Science of Computing is the second course in a computer science curriculum (CS 2). For better or worse, that course has become more varied in recent years. The Science of Computing is appropriate for many—but not all—implementations of CS 2.

The Target Student
The Science of Computing is aimed at students who are majoring in, or independently studying, computer science. It is also suitable for students who want to combine a firm background in computer science with another major.

The programming language for examples and exercises in this book is Java. We assume that students have had an introductory programming course using an object-oriented language, although not necessarily Java. The book should also be accessible with just a little extra work to those who started with a procedural language. An appendix helps students whose previous experience is with a language other than Java make the transition to Java.

There is quite a bit of math in The Science of Computing. We teach all of the essential mathematics within the text, assuming only that readers have a good precollege math background. However, readers who have completed one or more college-level math courses, particularly in discrete math, will inevitably have an easier time with the math in this book than readers without such a background.


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Kritik Teks

Kritik teks (naqd an-nash) tidak lain adalah kritik atas kritik (naqd an-naqd) seperti yang dipakai oleh Ali Harb dalam buku ini. Dikatakan kritik atas kritik karena buku ini merupakan analisis kritis yang menepatkan kritik nalar (naqd al-aql) sebagai pusat perhatiannya,baik nalar arab, barat maupun nalar pada umummnya. Menurut pandangan Ali Harb, kritik nalar khususnya, sebagaimana yang telah berlangsung di tengah-tengah kita, dihadapkan pada posisi sulit yang membutuhkan berbagai penangan, inilah yang akan dipenuhi oleh kritik teks (naqd an-nash). Dimana ia juga memberikan kemungkinan-kemungkinan baru untuk menguji dan mendalami. Barang kali itulah yang dilakukan oleh Ali Harb dalam buku ini karena dia mengeritik balik terhadap keritik nalar arab yang dilakukan Muhammad Abied Al-Jabiri dan kritik kesadaran barat yang dilakukan oleh Hasan Hanafi dan juga melekukan kritik terhadap Muhammad Arkoun, Muhammad Imarah dan kritik nalar murni (kritik de reinen Vernunft) Ala Imanuel Kant dan juga keritik singkat terhadap Gilles Deleuze yang telah menjadikan konsep-kinsep melayang dalam dunia teks dan wacana, sebagaimana dikatakan dalam bukunya Qu’est-ce que la philosophia dan salah satu yang menjadi bidikan kritik Ali Harb adalah karya Nasr Hamid Abu Zaid yakni Mafhum an-nash (Edisi Indonesia berjudul Tekstualitas Al-Qur’an). Oleh karena itu meskipun buku ini secara keseluruhan berbicara tentang ”kritik nalar pembaharuan” namun ujung-ujungnya bagi umat islam adalah perlunya melakukan kritik atas nalar Al-Qur’an. Dalam arti, bagaimana kita melakukan penalaran dan pemahaman terhadap Al-Qur’an. Al-Qur’an sebagai kalam Tuhan sudah pasti kebenarannya tetapi pemahaman manusia kalam selalu terbuka untuk lahirnya sebuah pembaharuan, bahkan dekonstruksi. Nasr Hamid Abu Zaid telah memulainya tetapi belum final dan (selalu) terbuka kemungkinan yang lebih radikal dari itu. Dalam buku ini Ali Harb membidik beberapa cela yang terlrwatkan dari pemikir tersebut, termasuk didalamnya adalah pemikiran Nasr Hamid.

Kritik yang di pakai Ali Harb dalam kajian ini adalah kritik Kantian, kritik dalam mempertannyakan (mengetahui) The condition of possibiliti dari pengetahuan tetapi dia bukanlah kantian dalam melakukan kritik terhadap wacana nalar. Dengan arti, dia mempertanyakan wacana yang terbelenggu oleh logika identitas (logic af identity) tentang eviden-eviden yang dibangun dan ditinggalkannya, yakni kemutlakan metafisis (yang mutlak), kualitas trasendental dan universal, seperti yang satu (Das eine), esensi, kebenaran, ada(being), akal (rasio),dan kategori-kategeri lainnya yang harus didekonstriksi untuk membuka wacana yang terlupakan yakni; jasad, nafsu (passion), tunggal, khayal (chimeregue), dan tanda. Dekonstruksi menunjukan bahwa yang satu (Das eine) adalah pemaksaan totalitas, yang umum adalah yang menjahui yang khusus, yang mutlak adalah meniadakan segala kondisi, yang universal adalah meniadakan kejadian, dan yang trasenden adalah mempertuhan untuk dilakukan dan dicoba. Secara singkat dekonstruksi menyingkapkan bahwa kategori-kategori logis dan universal-rasional membelenggu jasad dan khayal serta mengunci pendengaran-pengelihatan dan perasaan. Dengan demikian Ali Harb adalah seseorang dekonstruksionis dalam bergumul dengan wacana rasio (nalar) dan kemutlakkannya.

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